Russia`s oil and gas exports to Germany remain a critical economic link. Export revenues account for a significant part of the Russian budget and it is also in Germany`s interest to continue to receive gas from Russia, including by shipping the Nord Stream 2 project to the Baltic Sea. For its part, Russia will have to take into account Germany`s political interests as a leading member of the EU and abandon Moscow`s plans to stop the transit of gas through Ukrainian territory. In addition, Russia needs access to German technology, which traditionally stimulates its economy. The question is to what extent Germany can grant this access to confrontation between Russia and the United States. On 19 August, the German-Soviet trade agreement (1939) was concluded. The agreement included the “current” activity, which included a Soviet obligation to deliver 180 million German marks in raw materials in response to German orders, while Germany allowed the Soviets to order 120 million German marks for German industrial products.    As part of the agreement, Germany also granted the Soviet Union a credit of 200 million German marks over 7 years to purchase German industrial goods at an extremely favourable interest rate.  At a meeting of CIS heads of state, Russian President Vladimir Putin presented a series of documents on contracts between different countries and Germany before World War II and read some of them, including transcripts. In any event, both governments will resolve this issue with a friendship agreement. On 3 August, German Foreign Minister Joachim Ribbentrop outlined a plan in which Germany and the Soviet Union would accept non-interference in each other`s affairs and renounce measures aimed at the vital interests of the other and that “there was no problem between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea that could not be resolved between us.”    The Germans stated that there was “a common element in the ideology of Germany, Italy and the Soviet Union: resistance to the capitalist democracies of the West” and declared that their previous hostility to Soviet Bolshevism had diminished with changes in the Komintern and Soviet renunciation of a world revolution.
 Some scholars argue that the doctrine of collective security has long been a sincere and unanimous position of Soviet leaders, who adopted a purely defensive line, while others claim that the Soviet Union intended to cooperate with Nazi Germany from the beginning, collective security being only a tactical opposition to some unfriendly German movements.     Perhaps Moscow was trying to avoid a great war in Europe, because it was not strong enough to wage an offensive war. But there were many differences of opinion on the policy between Litvinov and Molotov on how to achieve this goal, and Stalin alternated between their positions, initially pursuing the two contradictory lines at the same time early enough and abandoning collective security only at some point in 1939.   Historians have discussed whether Stalin planned to invade German territory in the summer of 1941.